Tax Justice Digest stories about Alternative Minimum Tax
Last week Senator John McCain finally completed a process that has been underway for some time now. McCain has worked his way back into his party's good graces by coming out in support of running massive budget deficits to extend the Bush tax breaks and give new tax breaks to business.
It's difficult to remember now, but Senator McCain had said back in 2000, "There’s one big difference between me and the others -- I won’t take every last dime of the surplus and spend it on tax cuts that mostly benefit the wealthy." He also said of the tax plan George W. Bush proposed while running for president in 2000, "Sixty percent of the benefits from his tax cuts go to the wealthiest 10% of Americans -- and that’s not the kind of tax relief that Americans need."
The New John McCain
Let's compare this to the new John McCain, who fleshed out his latest ideas a bit more during a tax day speech in Pittsburgh.
McCain said he would extend the Bush tax cuts, even though over half of the benefits would go to the richest one percent and the cost would be $5 trillion over a decade. He would cut the corporate tax rate down from 35 percent to 25 percent, even though measured as a percentage of GDP, U.S. corporate taxes are among the lowest of any developed country. He would double the personal income tax exemption for dependents to $7,000, which would do the most for those families in higher income tax rates and nothing for low-income people who pay payroll taxes but who do not have taxable income (meaning a family of four with income of less than $25,000). He would abolish the Alternative Minimum Tax, even though about 9 tenths of it is paid by people with incomes over $100,000.
He would enact first-year deduction or "expensing" of "equipment and technology investments, which, along with a lower corporate tax rate, will create new opportunities for tax sheltering by the wealthy. He would ban internet and cell phone taxes permanently because he seems to believe that new technologies need to be granted a waiver from taxes that lasts forever. (If only Thomas Edison had thought to lobby for laws shielding his inventions from taxes.) He would make permanent the research and development credit because he believes innovation comes from the private sector, except not really, because apparently he also believes that no one will invent anything unless we give them a subsidy through the tax code.
And, most tantalizingly, he would offer a simplified alternative income tax that people can choose, at their option, to file. It's optional, presumably because everyone claims they want a simpler tax form but no one can agree on actually giving up the various deductions and credits that make filing ones' taxes complicated. Rather than simplifying tax filing, this will probably lead some people to calculate their tax liability under two different systems to determine which will result in lower taxes.
Massive Cuts in Public Services Would Be Necessary to Pay for McCain's Tax Plan
The Tax Policy Center has calculated that McCain's plans would cost $553 billion in 2012 alone. That's not even including the interest payments on the additional debt that will result, but let's put that aside for a second. McCain claims he can avoid increasing the national debt, at least to a degree, by cutting spending. But the cost of his plan in 2012 is about 17 percent of all projected federal spending that year according to estimates from the OMB (on page 134 for anyone interested). That's a whole lot of spending to cut. Looked at another way, it's more than all the non-defense discretionary spending that year and about equal to discretionary spending on defense.
During his Pittsburgh speech, McCain said he could get $100 billion in "savings from earmark, program review, and other budget reforms" but was not any more specific. The Senator's oft-mentioned earmarks are said to account for only around $18 billion at the most.
McCain has also said that he will obtain $30 billion in revenue by closing corporate tax loopholes. But his corporate tax cut alone is estimated to cost $143 in 2012.
Actually, You Should Just Bill My Grandkids
Then finally, on Sunday, McCain said on ABC's "This Week" that his tax cuts would take priority over balancing the budget.
To get a sense of what a huge shift this is for McCain, remember that during presidential debates he tried to explain away his opposition to President Bush's tax cuts in 2001 and 2003 by claiming that he thought cuts in federal spending should have accompanied those tax cuts to ensure that the nation's fiscal health would not deteriorate.
Of course, what he said back in 2000 also touched on the fact that the benefits of the Bush tax cuts would go mostly to the rich, but the new McCain is apparently unwilling to remind anyone about this.
On "This Week," George Stephanopoulos asked McCain, "If Congress does not give you the spending cuts you say you can get, will you hold off on signing the tax cuts?"
McCain replied, "Uh, no, of course not, because we don't want to increase people's taxes during a recession..."
It's worth pointing out that none of the candidates are actually talking about raising taxes (with the possible exception of the capital gains tax). Allowing parts of the tax cuts to expire exactly as the Republican House, Republican Senate and Republican White House wrote them to expire can hardly be called a tax increase. Further, it would be interesting to know how McCain might explain the prosperity that followed Clinton's tax increase or the economic doldrums that have followed George W. Bush's tax cuts.
Citizens for Tax Justice has released a new report explaining that the budget resolution approved by the House of Representatives last week deals with tax policy in a more responsible way than the version approved by the Senate. The differences between the two resolutions must be ironed out by a House-Senate conference committee that will negotiate a final version to be approved by both chambers.
The resolution approved by the House offers more responsible tax provisions in a number of areas.
First, the House budget plan uses “reconciliation instructions” that would make it easier to pass a bill to provide relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) without increasing the deficit. Any further increase in the national debt is likely to be borne, in the long-run, by the middle-class, so it would be unfair to take on debt to provide AMT relief, which mostly benefits families that are relatively wealthy. The Senate plan, unfortunately, does not use this approach because the Senate assumes that an AMT patch will be deficit-financed.
Second, the House plan does not emphasize cutting the estate tax the way the Senate plan does. CTJ’s data shows that the estate tax now affects fewer than 1 percent of estates. The Senate decided, however, to cut the estate tax for these few, wealthy families and to finance this tax cut with surpluses that may never materialize.
Third, the House plan would not cut taxes on better-off Social Security recipients. Such a tax cut, which the Senate plan includes, would only benefit those seniors who are well-off.
The House-Senate conference committee that takes up the budget resolutions should reject the choices that the Senate has made with regard to taxes and choose the more responsible path set by the House of Representatives.
The House and Senate both passed their budget resolutions on Thursday. The Senate budget plan (S. Con. Res. 70) was approved by a vote of 51 to 44, while the House budget plan (House Con. Res. 312) was approved by a vote of 212 to 207.
All 100 Senators showed up Thursday for what is often called "vote-a-rama," an avalanche of amendments that members offer each year to the budget. These amendments generally are not binding, but they put Senators on record as supporting or opposing key tax and spending policies. Lawmakers often offer them to force the opposing party to take votes that might be politically difficult.
Slashing the Estate Tax and Other Tax Cut Promises
The budget resolutions project surpluses in fiscal years 2012 and 2013, although the math used to project these surpluses is questionable. Senator Max Baucus (D-MT) offered an amendment which was adopted by a vote of 99-1 and which shows that the Senate intends to spend this "surplus" on extending parts of the Bush tax cuts that he describes as focused on the "middle-class." While these do include keeping the lowest income tax rate at 10 percent and keeping the $1,000 child credit, they also include a cut in the estate tax to benefit families with estates worth several million dollars.
The amendment, while not binding, puts the Senate on record as supporting a change in the estate tax that is understood to involve freezing in place the estate tax rules that are scheduled to take effect in 2009 (an exemption of $3.5 million per spouse and a top estate tax rate of 45 percent). Under current law, the estate tax rules get more generous each year until the estate tax disappears entirely in 2010, and then in 2011 revert to the rules that were in place during the Clinton years.
CTJ's recent figures on the estate tax show that it affected less than one percent of estates during 2005 and 2006. And those estates were subject to an exemption of $1.5 million per spouse. Now the exemption is $2 million and in 2009 it will be $3.5 million.
Throughout the day on Thursday, Democrats in the Senate used a strategy of countering Republican amendments to provide new deficit-financed tax breaks with very similar amendments that were equally regressive but deficit-neutral.
Alternative Minimum Tax
For example, Senator Arlen Specter (R-PA) offered an amendment that would have repealed a change in the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) that was enacted in 1993. The 1993 law increased the AMT for some relatively well-off taxpayers, to correspond with increases in the ordinary income tax. The Specter amendment therefore would cut the AMT from its current level for those well-off taxpayers, and this cut would be deficit-financed. Before members were allowed to vote on this, the body voted on an amendment offered by Senator Kent Conrad (D-ND) to do the exact same thing except with the costs offset. The Conrad amendment didn't specify just how those costs would be offset, and neither amendment would be binding. But apparently enough Senators felt that they would be credited with voting to "do something" about the AMT if they voted for the Conrad amendment, which was approved 53 to 46, instead of the Specter amendment, which failed, 49-50.
(The amendment by Senator Specter seems to be part of a long-term strategy by the Republicans to convince opinion leaders and the public that the expanding reach of the AMT is due to policies enacted during the Clinton administration. To find out why that is NOT the case, read the post on our blog that addressed this last year.)
More Estate Tax
A similar pattern played out in more ominous ways when the Senate turned its attention back to the estate tax. Senator Jon Kyl (R-AZ) offered an amendment that would slash the estate tax further than the Baucus amendment would. The Kyl amendment would have put the Senate on record in support of raising the estate tax exemption to $5 million, or $10 million for married couples, and lowering the top rate to 35 percent. As the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities points out, this would cost about 77 percent as much as fully repealing the estate tax. Before members were allowed to vote on this, a vote was held on an amendment offered by Senator Ken Salazar (D-CO) to make the exact same changes, but with the costs offset in some unspecified way.
Slashing the estate tax any further than it already has been would be an entirely unwarranted boon for America's richest families and is bad policy even if it is done in a deficit-neutral way. If less than one percent of estates were affected by the estate tax when the exemption was $1.5 million, as CTJ has found, it's very hard to imagine why the exemption would need to be raised to $5 million.
Disturbingly, the Salazar amendment got 13 more votes this year than an identical amendment offered by Senator Ben Nelson (D-NE) last year. While the Salazar amendment failed this year, it failed by a vote of 38 to 62, whereas last year it failed 25-74.
Disturbingly, the Salazar amendment got 13 more votes this year than an identical amendment offered by Senator Ben Nelson (D-NE) last year. While the Salazar amendment failed this year, it failed by a vote of 38 to 62, whereas last year it failed 25-74.
Even more disturbing, the Kyl amendment -- the amendment to slash the estate tax WITHOUT offsetting the costs -- nearly passed, with a vote of 50-50. This vote is a signal to organizations working on tax fairness that we must redouble our efforts to educate lawmakers and the public about the extremely regressive effects of repealing or greatly reducing the estate tax.
Social Security
As he has in the previous couple years, Senator Jim Bunning (R-KY) offered an amendment to repeal the tax increase on Social Security benefits that was enacted in 1993. Bunning decided to offset the costs in his amendment with across the board cuts in discretionary spending. His amendment failed, 47-53.
The federal government began taxing a portion of Social Security benefits in 1984, and increased the amount that can be included in taxable income to a maximum of 85 percent in 1993. The idea was to treat Social Security benefits more like other retirement income, such as pensions and IRA distributions. For most retirees, the vast majority of Social Security benefits are income that has never been taxed. Most beneficiaries still pay no federal income taxes on their benefits, but above certain income levels benefits gradually become taxable. For the best off, 85 percent of benefits must be included in taxable income.
Repealing the 1993 provision would do nothing to help the majority of Social Security beneficiaries. Nonetheless, the Democrats offered an alternative amendment that would make the same change as Bunning's amendment, but which also called for some unspecified offsets. That amendment was approved 53-46.
Meanwhile, in the House of Representatives...
Meanwhile, in the House of Representatives...
Over in the House, the Republicans offered an alternative budget resolution that would make the Bush tax cuts permanent and eventually repeal the AMT. These measures would be paid for with large cuts in Medicare, Medicaid, and other programs, while increasing defense spending. This alternative failed, 157-263.
The Democrats' budget resolution in the House was approved by a vote of 212 to 207. One way the House version differs from the Senate version is the use of what is called "reconciliation." A budget resolution can include "reconciliation instructions" that instruct the relevant committees to write legislation to meet some fiscal goal, and this legislation could be passed in the Senate with only a simple majority of votes rather than the usual 60 needed to overcome a filibuster.
This year, the House plan includes reconciliation instructions to produce a couple revenue-neutral bills. One would delay a scheduled reduction in payments by Medicare to doctors while another would provide another year of relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT), without increasing the budget deficit. Negotiations that will take place in conference will determine whether reconciliation instructions will survive in the final budget resolution.
Yesterday, the House and Senate budget committees both approved their respective versions of the federal budget resolution for fiscal year 2009 on party-line votes. Just as happened last year, both versions assume that the Bush tax cuts will expire at the end of 2010 or that, if they are extended, they will be subject to pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) rules. This means that the costs of any tax cut extension would have to be offset with increased taxes elsewhere or cuts in spending, so as to avoid an increase in the federal budget deficit. The House signaled that is it more committed to PAYGO, however, by including procedural protections for legislation to offset the costs of providing another year of AMT relief.
While the budget document is not binding and merely spells out the tax and spending goals of Congress, it can provide for procedural rules that may make certain legislation affecting the nation's fiscal health easier or more difficult to pass. For example, the budget resolution could include what are called "reconciliation instructions" that would instruct the relevant committees to write legislation to meet some fiscal goal, and this legislation could be passed in the Senate with only a simple majority of votes rather than the usual 60 needed to overcome a filibuster.
Republicans demanded that the reconciliation process be used to extend the Bush tax cuts without offsetting the costs. While budget resolutions are not law and cannot, by themselves, raise taxes, Republican lawmakers have taken to claiming that the resolution includes the largest tax increase in history since it does assume an extension of the Bush tax cuts. They made this same claim last year.
Senate Ready to Cave on PAYGO and Alternative Minimum Tax; House Says 'Not So Fast'
While the Republicans want to use the reconciliation process to increase the budget deficit, the House Democrats want to use it to keep the deficit under control. Their budget plan includes reconciliation instructions to produce revenue-neutral legislation that would delay a scheduled reduction in payments by Medicare to doctors and revenue-neutral legislation that would provide another year of relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT).
Congress will surely provide another "patch" to the AMT this year, meaning a temporary extension of the increase in exemptions that keep most people from having to worry about the tax. The question is whether it will be paid for or deficit-financed, as was the patch enacted at the end of last year.
Last year the House did pass a bill that would have paid for an AMT patch mainly by closing tax loopholes that allow managers of buyout funds to pay taxes at lower rates and shelter their income in offshore tax avoidance schemes. In the Senate, that bill did get the votes of all the Democrats (except the Presidential candidates, who were campaigning) but could not overcome the filibuster by Republicans. If such a bill was offered this year under the reconciliation process to protect it from a filibuster, its chances of passage would be greatly increased.
Despite this, many Senate Democrats are insisting that they not pursue the matter. Senate Finance Committee chairman Max Baucus was quoted by Congressional Quarterly saying, “I think to cut to the chase, this Congress is not going to pay for AMT. I think it’s a waste of time to have AMT paid for.”
Senate Budget Committee chairman Kent Conrad (D-ND) told BNA that "My strong preference would be to have it offset. That was clearly not the will of the body last year and in our soundings, it's clearly not the will of the body this year."
Senate Democrats Plan to Spend "Surplus"
The budget resolutions project surpluses in fiscal years 2012 and 2013. Whether these surpluses will actually materialize is highly debatable. The budget assumes no more expenditures on Iraq beyond the $70 billion requested by the President. Further, the budget "baseline" used by the Congressional Budget Office, which assumes that the Bush tax cuts will expire at the end of 2010 as laid out under current law, does project a surplus in 2012 and 2013, but only if the Social Security surplus is included in the calculation. The Social Security surplus was not meant to be spent on other programs. It's not remotely clear that Congress can produce a surplus that does not include Social Security.
Nevertheless, Democrats in the Senate are planning to offer an amendment much like the one adopted last year that would show that the body intends to spend that "surplus" on extending parts of the Bush tax cuts that they describe as geared towards the "middle-class." While these do include the 10 percent rate and the child credit, they also include a cut in the estate tax to benefit families with estates worth several million dollars.
President Threatens Vetoes Over Small Differences in Spending
The Senate version calls for $18 billion above what the President has requested in discretionary spending (spending that must be approved each year) while the House version calls for about $22 billion over the President's request. This difference is relatively minor since the entire amount of discretionary spending requested by the President for fiscal year 2009 is $992 billion, and discretionary spending only accounts for around a third of all government spending. Nonetheless, the White House has signaled that the President is ready to veto bills that spend more on these programs than he has proposed, as he did last year. This raises the possibility that Congress could simply rely on continuing resolutions to keep the government running until the next president takes office.
At the end of last year, Republicans in the Senate blocked attempts by Democrats to close tax loopholes and reduce offshore tax avoidance to pay for relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax. The White House had sent signals that the President would veto the Democratic bill if passed. Some Democrats in Congress are adamant that the debacle not be repeated, while some Republicans seem equally committed to increasing the federal budget deficit.
The alternative minimum tax (AMT) was originally created in the late 1960s to ensure that super-wealthy Americans pay at least some federal income taxes no matter how skillful they are at using tax loopholes. In recent years, its reach has expanded because Congress has not permanently indexed for inflation the exemptions that keep most of us from paying the AMT and, even more importantly, because the Bush tax cuts reduced ordinary income taxes without permanently changing the AMT. As more families see their ordinary income tax liability fall below their liability under the AMT, that means the AMT becomes relevant to the lives of more and more taxpayers.
Instead of permanently indexing the exemptions for inflation, Congress has been enacting "patches" to the AMT each year, measures that temporarily increase the exemptions to keep the AMT under control. A permanent fix was not included in the tax cut bills enacted when Republicans controlled Congress because that would have added to the official costs of those bills. Since the Democrats took control of Congress, they've attempted to reconcile AMT reform with their goal of avoiding any legislation that increases the federal budget deficit. Last year, Democrats in the House passed a one-year patch that would have been paid for by closing the loophole for carried interest paid to private equity fund managers and by cracking down on their use of offshore tax shelters. The administration called these provisions "tax increases" as did the Republicans in the Senate, who voted en masse to block the bill. Democratic leaders were then forced to pass an AMT patch that was not paid for, increasing the deficit by $50 billion.
This year there has been some discussion of using special budget procedures to make it easier to pass a bill that pays for AMT relief. If the budget resolution passed by Congress provides "reconciliation" instructions to change taxes or mandatory spending, a bill can be introduced later to accomplish that goal and can pass the Senate with just a bare majority of votes rather than the usual 60. House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD) told BNA recently that he would support using the reconciliation process for an AMT patch, but some Democrats in the Senate think that might make it more difficult to pass a budget this year.
Congress is hurtling toward adjournment after resolving a series of stand-offs between Democrats and Republicans and between Congress and the President. Republicans in the Senate twice successfully blocked attempts to pay for AMT relief, while the President twice successfully vetoed expanded health insurance for children. Meanwhile, an attempt to shift tax breaks from "dirty" energy to "clean" energy failed by one vote, although Congress did enact some important non-tax-related energy provisions.
Alternative Minimum Tax: Congress Passes "Patch" But Doesn't Pay for It
Alternative Minimum Tax: Congress Passes "Patch" But Doesn't Pay for It
On Wednesday, the House of Representatives approved a Senate-passed bill to "patch" the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT). The "patch" is basically a one-year measure that extends through 2007 the exemptions that keep most of us from paying the AMT, which is a sort of backstop tax that ensures the wealthy pay at least some minimum amount of income tax regardless of how many deductions and credits they claim.
The AMT was originally intended to target only the very wealthy. Over time its reach expanded because the exemptions were never indexed to inflation, and the Bush tax cuts caused the AMT to expand much more. Since the AMT is in fact an alternative tax, if regular income taxes are cut without corresponding cuts in the AMT, more people pay the AMT.
The AMT was originally intended to target only the very wealthy. Over time its reach expanded because the exemptions were never indexed to inflation, and the Bush tax cuts caused the AMT to expand much more. Since the AMT is in fact an alternative tax, if regular income taxes are cut without corresponding cuts in the AMT, more people pay the AMT.
In 2001, the President chose not to include corresponding adjustments to the AMT in his tax cut plan, although he surely assumed Congress would prevent the AMT from taking back a large portion of the tax cuts for moderately well-off families. And that's exactly what Congress has done, albeit through temporary patches passed periodically rather than a permanent fix. The cost of these patches was never included in the cost estimates of the Bush tax cuts that were presented to the public when they were being debated, effectively masking the true costs of those cuts.
This obviated the need for even a pretense of offsetting those additional costs. Today Congress is still not offsetting those costs.
Republicans Block Two Fiscally Responsible AMT Bills
The Republicans in the Senate were able to block two attempts to pay for the AMT patch in the last two weeks, both of them approved by Democratic majorities in the House. The first bill (H.R. 3996) would have replaced the revenue, partially by closing the loophole for "carried interest" paid to managers of buyout funds and other types of funds which allows these super-wealthy individuals to pay taxes at a lower rate than middle-income people.
Every Democrat in the Senate voted to act on this version (minus the Presidential candidates who almost certainly would have voted for it if they had been present) and every Republican who voted voted against. In the Senate, 60 votes are required to consider most legislation, so the bill could not be acted on despite the support of every member of the majority party. Senate Democrats were then forced to approve the $50 billion patch without any offsets, violating their pledge to adhere to newly reinstated pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) rules.
The House passed another version of the AMT patch with offsets (H.R. 4351), this time focusing more on cracking down on offshore tax avoidance by fund managers. The pattern repeated itself in the Senate, as the Republican minority was able to block the bill, choosing to protect wealthy tax evaders who use offshore shell companies rather than paying for AMT relief.
On Wednesday the House of Representatives voted to approve the Senate-passed AMT patch without offsets. Ways and Means Chairman Charlie Rangel said that it would be pointless to oppose AMT relief since it is very unlikely that the public would understand why a tax no one had ever heard of was suddenly affecting some families who were fairly well-off but not rich.
Media Neglects Role of GOP Obstruction
The press has focused unfairly on the "failures" of the Democrats to meet all of their goals.
This is unfair partly because the goals were extremely ambitious in retrospect. Democrats promised to provide $50 billion worth of AMT relief and also promised not to increase the deficit. This was while the Republicans in Congress and the President took an extreme stance on tax matters. Closing any tax loophole, even the most blatantly unfair tax loophole, represents a tax increase that will wreck the economy according to the President and his allies in Congress. They even equate stopping offshore tax evasion with tax increases that will discourage investment. In hindsight, it's clear that lawmakers taking this extremist position on taxes were ready to follow their President off a fiscal cliff by obstructing common sense measures.
It's also unfair to say the Democrats "caved" on PAYGO, as some media accounts have it, given that every Democrat in the Senate voted to pay for the AMT relief as did all-Democratic majorities in the House. Thanks to the 60-vote threshold to pass legislation in the Senate, the minority party was able to block the fiscally responsible legislation. Why the press has largely failed to note that Republican obstruction is the root cause of the AMT-PAYGO debacle is entirely unclear.
On Wednesday, December 12, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill, H.R. 4351, that would extend the exemptions that keep the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) from affecting most Americans and would replace the revenue the AMT is projected to otherwise collect. One provision would help replace the AMT revenue by restricting offshore tax avoidance schemes by wealthy individuals. Another provision would delay the implementation of an unnecessary tax break for multinational businesses which hasn't even gone into effect yet.
Dropped from this bill is a provision that would end the tax subsidy for "carried interest," a type of compensation paid to wealthy fund managers. Carried interest is currently taxed at a special, low 15 percent rate, lower than the tax rate paid by many middle-class families. Last week, Republicans in the Senate blocked a similar House-passed bill that would have ended this tax subsidy because they were committed to defending this break for millionaire fund managers. So, in the spirit of compromise, the House passed H.R. 4351 on Wednesday without the carried interest provision.
Incredibly, Republican leaders in the Senate are insisting that they will block this new bill even though it lacks the "controversial" carried interest provision. They seem to believe that H.R. 4351 includes "tax increases" that will hurt the economy. By this logic, the economy literally depends on the ability of rich individuals to avoid taxes by using offshore shell companies. Also by this logic, the economy depends on a tax break for multinational companies that has not even gone into effect yet.
Meanwhile, 17 Democratic members of the House, mostly members of the Progressive Caucus, signed a letter sent to House Speak Nancy Pelosi demanding that the cost of AMT relief be fully offset. The letter argues, quoting Citizens for Tax Justice, that "AMT relief, by itself, would not be particularly progressive ... Most of the benefits would go to the richest fifth of taxpayers, and if it's deficit financed, the cost could be borne in the future by middle-income Americans in the form of cuts in public services or higher taxes. But AMT relief can be progressive if the costs are offset with revenue-raising provisions that target the very wealthiest Americans, those who have benefited the most from the Bush tax cuts." The leadership of the 48-member Blue Dog Coalition of Democrats in the House also has stated repeatedly that any AMT relief that is not paid for will be unacceptable.
For more information about the House bill and how it offsets the cost of AMT relief, see the new short paper from Citizens for Tax Justice describing the legislation.
New Paper from CTJ Criticizes Turn to Borrowing
On Thursday, December 6, Republicans in the Senate voted en masse against consideration of a bill (H.R. 3996) passed last month by the House of Representatives to provide relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) and offset the cost by closing loopholes for extremely wealthy financial managers. Instead, Republican leaders demanded that the federal government borrow the $50 billion. They got their way later in the evening, when the chamber passed a bill simply extending AMT relief without paying for it.
This sets the stage for a standoff with the House, where Democratic leaders are adamant that no laws be enacted to increase the federal deficit, in keeping with the pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) rules that were reinstated when the Democrats took control of Congress earlier this year. But in the Senate, because 60 votes are needed to pass most legislation, the Republicans were able to block the fiscally responsible approach even though it was supported by every member of the majority party.
This sets the stage for a standoff with the House, where Democratic leaders are adamant that no laws be enacted to increase the federal deficit, in keeping with the pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) rules that were reinstated when the Democrats took control of Congress earlier this year. But in the Senate, because 60 votes are needed to pass most legislation, the Republicans were able to block the fiscally responsible approach even though it was supported by every member of the majority party.
Citizens for Tax Justice released a two-page paper today with figures explaining why this is a bad deal for middle-income Americans.
"I'm willing to accept a tax cut for people making upwards of $100,000 a year, if we send the bill to people making millions," said CTJ director Robert S. McIntyre. "But I can't support cutting taxes for such well-off people and sending the bill to people who make $50,000. Yet sadly, it's exactly those ordinary taxpayers who will likely bear the cost of the increased debt -- through higher taxes or reduced public services in the future."
Republicans Manage to Preserve Loophole for "Carried Interest" -- for Now
In the AMT relief bill passed by the House last month, one of the revenue-raising provisions to offset the cost would have closed the loophole for "carried interest," a type of compensation paid to buyout fund managers. Republican leaders have demanded that this loophole allowing wealthy fund managers to pay taxes at a lower rate than middle-income families be preserved. They appear to have gotten their way for now, as House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel has said he would drop the carried interest provision and replace it with some potentially more palatable revenue-raising provision.
But the battle over carried interest is far from over. In September, CTJ sent to the House and Senate a letter signed by around 300 organizations from every state urging that the loophole be closed. Lobbyists for the industry have acknowledged that the issue is likely to come up again in the next couple of years as Congress considers broader tax reform.
CTJ would like to thank all those who helped begin the fight to close the carried interest loophole. As a result of these efforts, the majority party in both chambers has, after some initial hesitation, completely adopted the position that the loophole should be eliminated. We will continue to build on these efforts as Congress turns to broader tax reform.
President Bush Relied on Expanding Reach of AMT to Mask Cost of His Tax Cuts
Republican congressional leaders claim that Congress should eliminate the AMT without paying for it because no one ever intended to collect the AMT's revenues. But that's not true.
When George W. Bush proposed his tax cut plan, he and his tax advisors were well aware that, since the AMT is an alternative tax, lowering the regular tax rates without adjusting the AMT would push tens of millions of people into the AMT. But they needed the added AMT revenues to significantly reduce the projected cost of Bush's tax cut program. In fact, Bush's chief economic advisor was adamant that Bush's plan contemplated a huge increase in the AMT.
"Having created most of the AMT problem, Bush and his congressional allies are now trying to rewrite history so they can get away with loading even more debt on our children," said McIntyre. "They shouldn't be allowed to get away with it."
President Bush Relied on Expanding Reach of AMT to Mask Cost of His Tax Cuts
Republican congressional leaders claim that Congress should eliminate the AMT without paying for it because no one ever intended to collect the AMT's revenues. But that's not true.
When George W. Bush proposed his tax cut plan, he and his tax advisors were well aware that, since the AMT is an alternative tax, lowering the regular tax rates without adjusting the AMT would push tens of millions of people into the AMT. But they needed the added AMT revenues to significantly reduce the projected cost of Bush's tax cut program. In fact, Bush's chief economic advisor was adamant that Bush's plan contemplated a huge increase in the AMT.
"Having created most of the AMT problem, Bush and his congressional allies are now trying to rewrite history so they can get away with loading even more debt on our children," said McIntyre. "They shouldn't be allowed to get away with it."
On Friday, the U.S. House of Representatives voted 216-193 to pass H.R. 3996, a bill to extend relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax and other tax breaks for one year and offset the costs by reducing tax loopholes for private equity fund managers and others. All but eight Democrats present voted for the bill, while all the Republicans present voted against it.
The AMT provision is known as a "patch" because it prevents the AMT from reaching millions of more taxpayers (as the AMT is scheduled to do under current law) for a year but does not permanently address this problem. A larger bill (H.R. 3970) was introduced by Ways and Means Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY) on October 25 to repeal the AMT entirely and offset the costs, mostly with a surtax that would reduce the Bush tax cuts for those families with incomes above half a million dollars a year. This bill is a major tax reform that would make the tax code simpler and more progressive without making the fiscal situation worse than it already is.
But because Republicans seem sure to block any provision that would reduce tax breaks even for the richest Americans, Rangel introduced the smaller bill (H.R. 3996) to patch the AMT for just one year, giving Congress more time to consider his more comprehensive tax reform. H.R 3996 borrows many of the good ideas from the larger bill, like closing the loophole for "carried interest" and a loophole that allows private equity fund managers to set up deferred compensation arrangements in offshore tax havens to avoid taxes. H.R. 3996 would also extend some business tax breaks (such as the research credit) for one year. Smaller provisions in the bill would make the Child Tax Credit more accessible for poor families and would create an additional standard deduction for property taxes for those who do not itemize their tax deductions.
Surprising Amount of Focus on "Carried Interest"
The Republicans chose the counter-intuitive strategy of rallying around one of the most offensive and blatantly unfair loopholes in the tax code, the loophole for "carried interest," which is a form of compensation paid to certain types of fund managers. This loophole essentially allows these fund managers to earn hundreds of millions of dollars and yet pay taxes at a lower rate than their middle-income receptionists.
Citizens for Tax Justice sent members of Congress a new fact sheet explaining that the loophole is a subsidy paid to millionaires, through the tax code, and funded by the rest of us who are paying income taxes at ordinary rates. The loophole is enjoyed by those who manage other people's money but are allowed to pretend that they're investing their own money -- which entitles them to the low, 15 percent rate for capital gains. Contrary to the confusion sowed by fund managers, the capital gains rate for those who actually invest would not be altered.
Citizens for Tax Justice also issued a statement responding to the claim that the real estate industry would be damaged if the carried interest loophole is closed. The vast majority of people who are affected by what goes on in the real estate industry -- realtors, construction workers and home-buyers -- pay income taxes at ordinary rates like everyone else, meaning that they are paying for this loophole rather than benefiting from it.
Most important, however, was the willingness of hundreds of state and local organizations from around the country to tell Congress that this loophole is simply unfair to ordinary taxpayers in their states. Thanks to all the organizations that joined the sign-on letter urging Congress to close the loophole.
Battle Ahead in the Senate
Several in the Senate have suggested that it will be difficult to secure the 60 votes needed to avoid a filibuster in their chamber and approve this bill. Many Republican Senators, including the ranking Republican on the Finance Committee, Charles Grassley (R-IA) have made clear that they would rather increase the federal budget deficit than pay for AMT relief. We would suggest that any anti-tax conservative in the Senate who wants to take responsibility for filibustering AMT relief for millions of taxpayers should go ahead and do so to make his or her position clear to the public.
By a party-line vote, the House Ways and Means Committee on Thursday approved legislation (H.R. 3996) that would prevent the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) from expanding its reach to millions of more families for one year. Ways and Means Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY) had hoped earlier this year to pass his larger plan to address the AMT permanently, as discussed above, but some lawmakers oppose his provisions to pay for AMT reform and would rather increase the budget deficit. As a result, Chairman Rangel introduced this smaller bill, which includes a "patch" of the AMT for one year at a cost of about $50 billion, and hopes the larger plan will be acted on sometime in the next couple years.
The smaller bill approved Thursday also includes one-year extensions of some special interest tax breaks that are technically temporary but whose extension by Congress has become so routine that Hill insiders refer to them as the "extenders." The extenders cost about $21 billion.
Help for Low-Income Included
Also included is a change in the Child Tax Credit rules to make it easier for poor families to benefit from the credit, as well as a small additional standard deduction for middle-income homeowners. These two provisions combined cost about $4 billion over ten years.
Rangel Stands Firm -- Tax Cuts Will Be Paid For By Closing Carried Interest Loophole, Among Others
The smaller bill borrows some very good ideas from the larger plan in order to pay for the one-year AMT relief and the extenders. One of these provisions would eliminate the "carried interest" loophole for private equity fund managers, which would raise about $26 billion over ten years. Another provision would limit the ability of private equity fund managers to set up deferred compensation arrangements in offshore tax havens to avoid taxes, and would raise about $24 billion over ten years.
Another provision would delay the implementation of a tax break that was passed in 2004 but is not yet in effect. The 2004 tax break essentially expands a loophole allowing multinational corporations to take U.S. tax deductions for interest payments that are really foreign expenses. The provision delays this tax break several years and raises $25 billion over ten years.
Republicans Say Their Own Tax Laws Will Lead to the Biggest Tax Increase in History
Republicans members of the committee were hostile to the offsets and argued during the markup of the bill that the AMT should be repealed and the revenue should not be replaced because it was never intended to be collected. This ignores the fact that the Bush Administration intentionally decided not to permanently fix the AMT when it enacted tax cuts in order to mask the true cost of those tax cuts. It also ignores the fact that the Bush Administration, like Congress during both Republican and Democratic control, has budget plans that assume the expanded AMT revenue (based on current law under which the AMT will expand its reach) will be collected.
Congressman Earl Blumenauer (D-OR) pointed out the irony of the minority party's argument. Republicans at the hearing seemed to say that the expiration of the Bush tax cuts -- which was written into the laws enacted by President Bush and the Republican Congress, along with the scheduled expansion of the AMT that was intentionally left in place when Republicans controlled Congress and the White House -- would lead to the "biggest tax increase in history." Even if we believed that allowing the tax laws to exist as they're currently written could constitute a tax increase, it would be hard to understand why the complaints are coming from the party that held power and passed a major tax bill every year for six years.
Meanwhile, even the conservative Washington Times has editorialized that "it seems disingenuous" for the GOP to call Rangel's plan a tax hike.
Help for Low-Income Included
Also included is a change in the Child Tax Credit rules to make it easier for poor families to benefit from the credit, as well as a small additional standard deduction for middle-income homeowners. These two provisions combined cost about $4 billion over ten years.
Rangel Stands Firm -- Tax Cuts Will Be Paid For By Closing Carried Interest Loophole, Among Others
The smaller bill borrows some very good ideas from the larger plan in order to pay for the one-year AMT relief and the extenders. One of these provisions would eliminate the "carried interest" loophole for private equity fund managers, which would raise about $26 billion over ten years. Another provision would limit the ability of private equity fund managers to set up deferred compensation arrangements in offshore tax havens to avoid taxes, and would raise about $24 billion over ten years.
Another provision would delay the implementation of a tax break that was passed in 2004 but is not yet in effect. The 2004 tax break essentially expands a loophole allowing multinational corporations to take U.S. tax deductions for interest payments that are really foreign expenses. The provision delays this tax break several years and raises $25 billion over ten years.
Republicans Say Their Own Tax Laws Will Lead to the Biggest Tax Increase in History
Republicans members of the committee were hostile to the offsets and argued during the markup of the bill that the AMT should be repealed and the revenue should not be replaced because it was never intended to be collected. This ignores the fact that the Bush Administration intentionally decided not to permanently fix the AMT when it enacted tax cuts in order to mask the true cost of those tax cuts. It also ignores the fact that the Bush Administration, like Congress during both Republican and Democratic control, has budget plans that assume the expanded AMT revenue (based on current law under which the AMT will expand its reach) will be collected.
Congressman Earl Blumenauer (D-OR) pointed out the irony of the minority party's argument. Republicans at the hearing seemed to say that the expiration of the Bush tax cuts -- which was written into the laws enacted by President Bush and the Republican Congress, along with the scheduled expansion of the AMT that was intentionally left in place when Republicans controlled Congress and the White House -- would lead to the "biggest tax increase in history." Even if we believed that allowing the tax laws to exist as they're currently written could constitute a tax increase, it would be hard to understand why the complaints are coming from the party that held power and passed a major tax bill every year for six years.
Meanwhile, even the conservative Washington Times has editorialized that "it seems disingenuous" for the GOP to call Rangel's plan a tax hike.
