Tax Justice Digest stories about Massachusetts

The road to progress rarely travels in a straight line.  Nowhere has that been more evident than in Massachusetts this month, as a major effort to combat corporate tax avoidance could end up being undermined by an eleventh-hour maneuver to permit businesses to continue to exploit weaknesses in the tax code.

About two weeks ago, the Massachusetts House of Representatives approved a bill that, among other things, would institute combined reporting of corporate income for tax purposes in the Commonwealth.  Combined reporting is the single most important reform states can adopt to prevent corporations from using legal and accounting techniques to shift income from one state to another in order to avoid taxation.  It is now used in 20 states. Should the House bill be made law, Massachusetts would become the third Northeastern state in as many years to embrace the change.

Yet, during its consideration of the measure, the House approved, with little open debate, a last-minute amendment that would seriously weaken the reform, to the likely benefit of such behemoths as Wal-Mart and McDonald’s.  The amendment would constrain the Commonwealth’s ability to enforce combined reporting, would create new tax planning opportunities for companies with operations both in Massachusetts and overseas, and would compensate companies for accounting losses they might incur due to statutory changes intended to curb tax avoidance.  Ultimately, the Massachusetts Department of Revenue indicates that the amendment could lead to annual revenue losses of “at least $100 million to $200 million” -- or about half of the corporate tax revenue the bill might otherwise be expected to generate!  Importantly, that expected revenue yield is already diminished by the fact that the bill also would, over time, reduce the tax rate paid by corporations from 9.5 to 7.5 percent and by financial institutions from 10.5 to 9 percent. 

Fortunately, as the Boston Globe reports, the Massachusetts Senate may reconsider this particular amendment when it takes up the larger reform bill sometime next month.  To learn more about the House bill and the impact that it would have, see this latest report from the Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center.

Conservative commentators frequently depict Hollywood as ridden with leftists, but the reality is that, when it comes to tax policy, the movie industry is no different from any other.  Take recent legislative activity in Michigan and Georgia, for example.  Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm is on the verge of signing a bill that would, among other things, provide a refundable tax credit equal to 42 percent – 42 percent! – of a film production’s costs. The Georgia Senate has adopted a measure – also expected to be signed into law – that will more than double that state’s current film production credit.

Yet, as an important new report from the Massachusetts Department of Revenue (DoR) documents, states may receive precious little in return for these enormous investments.  According to the report, Massachusetts will lose upwards of $140 million between 2006 and 2008 due to its film tax credit, but may receive only about $20 million in new revenue from the economic activity associated with the credit.  What’s more, as the report notes, “any estimate of the net economic and tax revenue impact of tax incentives needs to take into account the reduction in state government spending” associated with such credits.  In such tight budgetary times, that “reduction in government spending” is sure to occur if policymakers keep trying to lure the latest blockbuster to their state.

In Massachusetts, there now appears to be a growing consensus that the state should put a stop to tax avoidance by highly profitable multi-state and multi-national corporations and adopt what is known as combined reporting.  Earlier this year, the state’s Study Commission on Corporate Taxation recommended moving towards combined reporting. Governor Deval Patrick included legislation to achieve that goal in his FY 2009 budget proposal, while Speaker of the House Sal DiMasi has also recently expressed support for the change. 

There is far less agreement, however, about what to do with the nearly $500 million in additional revenue that combined reporting and other important tax reforms would ultimately yield.  Governor Patrick would use a portion of that revenue to reduce Massachusetts' corporate income tax rate and Speaker DiMasi would use nearly all of it on such a rate cut.  Yet, as ITEP’s Jeff McLynch pointed out in testimony before the Massachusetts legislature earlier this week, lowering the corporate income tax rate would force the state to make larger spending cuts to close a $1.2 billion budget deficit and also preclude longer-term and far more economically productive investments in areas such as higher education, worker training, and public infrastructure.  Just as importantly, lowering the corporate income tax rate in conjunction with a move to combined reporting would simply allow many businesses to keep the tax breaks that they took for themselves through avoidance schemes like passive investment companies and captive REITs.

The Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center has weighed in on this debate as well, issuing two new reports: one describing the state’s tax system generally and another discussing the shortcomings of plans to reduce the corporate income tax rate. 
Massachusetts' corporate taxation study commission this week released a set of interim findings that endorsed two key reforms to the Bay State's tax code. Appointed by Governor Deval Patrick and legislative leadership in April, the commission recommended that Massachusetts immediately enact changes in its corporate income tax - commonly referred to as "check the box" rules - that would prevent companies from exploiting differences in state and federal law that determine how they are classified for tax purposes and that allow them to avoid taxes in Massachusetts. 

Forty-five other states already have these rules in place; instituting them in Massachusetts would generate an additional $100 million in FY 2008. The commission also expressed its support for combined reporting - a still more comprehensive reform that New York and West Virginia approved this year and that twenty states now employ - but will study implementation and design issues further in the coming months.  Of note, the commission also found that the absence of such safeguards as effective "check the box" rules and combined reporting has allowed Massachusetts corporate income tax to fall from 11.5 percent of corporate profits in 1989 to 5.5 percent last year. 

The commission also points out that "Insisting on greater shared responsibility for our Commonwealth's future, principally by asking a fairer share from larger, multi-state businesses, will not harm competitiveness and economic growth … influential economists cited to the Commission have concluded that, while taxes are one factor that businesses consider in deciding where to locate or expand, the predominance of other factors usually renders business taxation a much less significant consideration."
Massachusetts policymakers this week announced the formation of a fifteen-member commission to study the Commonwealth's corporate tax system.  Massachusetts' corporate tax is certainly in need of an overhaul, as evidenced by its long-term erosion as a revenue source and by the broad-ranging reforms Governor Deval Patrick proposed earlier this year to address the issue.  
 
Yet, in some respects, the formation of a commission may represent a step backwards.  While a commission had been initially floated by the Governor in January, this particular panel was named only after the Massachusetts House of Representatives rejected the Governor's corporate tax reforms in its version of the FY 2008 budget.  As Joan Vennochi of the Boston Globe has observed, the House's approach demonstrates that its leadership, in the person of Speaker Sal DiMasi, is "standing up for … unfairness" and standing "with the coalition of the greedy at the Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce and other business-backed groups." 

Indeed, the commission is heavy with members who hardly seem predisposed to support efforts to put an end to corporate tax avoidance.  Upon being named to the commission, one member yawned, "Of all the priorities that the state faces, I would not put this near the top … The impetus for the commission really is a response to the governor's proposal rather than a crying need in itself."  Another organization represented on the panel, the Associated Industries of Massachusetts (AIM), has boasted to its members that it has successfully "fought … efforts to establish combined reporting" - the central element of the Governor's tax reform proposals.
 
For more on the need for combined reporting and other changes to the Massachusetts tax system, visit the Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center.
Just weeks after recommending the elimination of Connecticut's car tax, Governor Jodi Rell last Wednesday put forward a plan to limit property tax growth in the Nutmeg State to 3 percent per year.  Among the myriad problems with such property tax limits is that they fail to help those individuals and families who are struggling the hardest to make ends meet, while leaving cities and towns more vulnerable to fluctuations in state aid.
 
Ironically, in offering her proposal, Governor Rell cited Massachusetts' experience with property tax limits as a positive example for her state to follow.  Massachusetts was one of the first states in the nation to impose property tax caps, enacting Proposition 2 ½ more than 25 years ago.  Yet, as the Boston Globe reports, cities and towns in Massachusetts continue to struggle with the constraints imposed by Prop 2 ½.  In the wake of significant cuts in local aid during the early part of this decade, twenty- five cities and towns have already scheduled "Prop 2 ½ overrides" this year, so that they can raise the funds necessary to provide vital public services.  With these votes, libraries, teachers, and policemen are all on the line — the lasting legacy of an ill-advised approach to property tax reform.
 
Connecticut Voices for Children has some better ideas on how to improve Connecticut's tax system and how to help low- and moderate-income taxpayers. 

As expected, Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick this week joined the ranks of chief executives calling for the use of combined reporting of state corporate income taxes to combat tax avoidance by large and profitable companies. Like the Governors of New York, Pennsylvania, and Iowa, Governor Patrick, in his FY2008 budget plan, recommended adopting this approach to corporate taxation, which would require corporations operating in multiple states to report all of their income — including that attributable to subsidiaries. This would negate any tax benefit derived from accounting schemes designed to shift profits out-of-state. A fact sheet from the Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center explains how combined reporting works and why it's needed in the Bay State. While Martin O'Malley has not yet added his name to this growing gubernatorial roster, Maryland legislators this week considered a bill to institute combined reporting in their state. ITEP Executive Director Matt Gardner was among those who testified on the measure.

State corporate income tax reform is gathering momentum in 2007, as more and more states are considering adopting an important corporate tax reform: combined reporting. Governors in New York, Iowa and Pennsylvania have already proposed this important loophole-closing reform, and newly elected Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick is sending signals that he may follow in their footsteps. Meanwhile, a new paper by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities' Michael Mazerov gives the lowdown on an equally important corporate tax reform that could productively be adopted by every state with a corporate tax: company-specific disclosure of taxes paid (or not paid). Mazerov's paper includes model legislation for use in any state seeking to shed more light on corporate tax avoidance.

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