Tax Justice Digest stories about Oklahoma
Kaiser focused his comments on the number of Oklahomans who could receive health care (125,000) and the raises that could be given to teachers ($1,300 each) if the state's priorities changed and the average $75 million in tax credits given to the energy industry over the last four years were put toward other priorities.
Business analysts know that if a company is making business decisions based on tax breaks, then the company isn't on very strong footing to begin with. But comments like these made by billionaire businessmen are quite helpful in cutting through the false claims made about taxes.
Despite
their obvious unfairness, tax amnesties are a tool frequently used by
states during tough budgetary times. By waiving late fees and
sometimes reducing the interest rate charged on overdue taxes, state
policymakers can provide their state with a quick band-aid fix without
having to make the much harder choice of raising taxes or cutting
valued services. But penalizing similar taxpayers at different rates
dependent only upon whether they decide to pay up during an amnesty
period is plainly unfair. The problems associated with amnesties
become even worse, however, as soon as a state establishes a habit of
repeatedly offering amnesties during tough economic times.
With
the possibility of another amnesty always on the horizon, delinquent
taxpayers will think twice before settling their debts with the state
during normal times, and at normal penalty rates. Creating multiple
sets of penalties (one for normal times, and one, lower penalty when
budgets shortfalls are projected) therefore reduces fairness by
penalizing similar taxpayers differently based only on the timing of
their payment, and can also reduce the effectiveness of enforcement
efforts and the tax system broadly. These effects can continue long
after the most recent amnesty period ends. (Note that this is very
similar to the argument against
allowing corporations to "repatriate" their profits to the U.S. at a
lower rate, a proposal which was recently rejected at the federal
level).
Despite the obvious problems, Maryland and New Mexico
are both considering legislation to once again provide temporary tax
amnesty programs some time in the coming months. New Mexico last
provided an amnesty less than a decade ago, while Maryland's last
amnesty came in 2001. After that 2001 amnesty, the Maryland
comptroller's office noted that "repeated use of amnesties is likely to
create cynicism among law-abiding taxpayers, and lessen the need for
voluntary compliance with state tax laws, which is vital for our system
of taxation". Should another amnesty be offered less than a decade
after the 2001 amnesty, growth in taxpayer cynicism seems unavoidable,
especially in light of the fact that a similar program offered in 1987
in the state was billed as a "once-in-a-lifetime" opportunity for delinquent payers.
Without a doubt, the momentum in favor of such programs is strong. Alabama is already in the mist of an amnesty period (the state last offered an amnesty in 1984). Massachusetts is currently in the process
of deciding upon a date for its amnesty program (Massachusetts last
provided amnesty in 2003). Connecticut's program is already slated to take effect on May 1st (Connecticut's last amnesty took place in 2002). And Oklahoma just recently closed its most recent amnesty period, just seven years after its 2002 amnesty.
In this environment, it is extremely important for state policymakers
to not only oppose more amnesties, but also to convincingly state that
another amnesty will not be offered any time in the near future. For
states looking to responsibly close their tax gaps, stepping-up
enforcement spending is often a route that can produce sizeable
returns, and is undoubtedly much more fair than trying to get something
for nothing by arbitrarily waiving penalties in an effort to boost
voluntary "compliance". For more specific alternatives to the tax
amnesty approach, take a look at these recent enforcement recommendations from Oregon's Department of Revenue.
The cut in the top rate was actually adopted several years ago, but was
made contingent on state revenues meeting a target to ensure that the
state could afford the tax cut. So, back then, lawmakers recognized
that this tax cut would be expensive (though
they ignored the fact that it is entirely regressive) and took steps to
ensure the state could afford it. But now the state is not meeting that
revenue target, the Senate Finance Committee wants to remove it and
allow the tax cut to be implemented anyway. Will lawmakers actually
approve this tax cut now that it is (by their own measure) unaffordable?
Similar
questions could be posed about exempting groceries from the sales tax.
To be sure, taxing those purchases is quite regressive, but
Rather than removing groceries from the sales tax base altogether, OK Policy observes that policymakers could expand the state's existing "grocery tax credit," either by raising the value of the credit itself or extending it to additional taxpayers. Such a change would be in line with the recommendations of last year's Oklahoma Task Force on Hunger. To see more of the Oklahoma Policy Institute's work, visit www.okpolicy.org.
With the fall elections a scant two months away, it’s never too early to think about the harsh realities and difficult choices that state lawmakers will face once they are sworn in.
As two new fact sheets from the Oklahoma Policy Institute suggest, top on the agenda of
The Georgia Budget and Policy Institute issued a report adding up the costs of the state House's handiwork related to taxes this year and found that the tax bills passed this session would cost as much as $113 million in FY 2009, $473 million in FY 2010, and $798 million in FY 2011.
Coincidentally, the Oklahoma Senate passed a proposed constitutional amendment last week also dealing with caps on increases in a home's taxable value. In this case, the cap would be decreased from 5% to 3% (the 5% cap would remain intact for businesses). Assessment value caps of this sort have recently received much attention in Florida. The unfair way in which these caps provide the greatest relief to long-time residents (creating vastly different property tax bills between neighbors with similar houses) recently drove Florida residents to amend their constitution to patch over the problem in a very imperfect way.
Rounding out the recent trend in debating poorly reasoned property tax cuts is Arizona, where the House narrowly approved a measure to permanently repeal a portion of the property tax that is currently suspended. Allowing the tax to take effect again would raise about $250 million annually for the state, significantly reducing the projected $1.2 billion revenue shortfall for the current fiscal year. If the plan passes, cuts in public services could be the result.
This week the Community Action Project blasted the decision by Oklahoma policy makers to use a temporary surge in revenue to justify permanent, unfair tax cuts. CAP says that when voting on the tax cut proposals, legislators did so "knowing only the short-term fiscal impact and without the information that could allow them to evaluate the long-term fiscal sustainability of their choices." The question before legislators now is whether or not to repeal the tax cuts that were scheduled to take place in 2008. Last fall, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities published a study which takes a closer look at specific states that enacted tax cuts in 2006 and highlights the potential damages from "tax cuts on layaway."
Kiplinger reports that business are expected "to mount pitched battles to defeat" TABOR-esque spending tax cap initiatives in Maine, Michigan, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, and Oregon. In fact, there's a concerted effort forming in Oklahoma that is actually being lead by business groups. The Chairman of Tulsa's Chamber of Commerce was even quoted as saying that TABOR would be a "train wreck" for Oklahoma.