Tax Justice Digest stories about South Carolina

You know a state has some problems when it claims it cannot even afford to conduct a study to determine whether its revenue system is adequate and effective. That's what happened earlier this week in South Carolina, where it appeared that legislation to create a special panel to study the state's tax structure might get derailed. Lawmakers found it difficult to resolve the panel's membership and whether the costs associated with the panel (staffing, travel, etc.) could actually be paid for.

On Tuesday the legislature decided that the state could, in fact, afford to conduct a study to determine how it should raise revenue. Unfortunately, the effort is set to fail before it even begins.
Ultimately both the House and Senate approved the creation of the 11-member board, but House Democrats won't be allowed to appoint a panel member. The panel is supposed to study the so-called "Fair Tax," a proposal that would eliminate state personal and corporate income taxes and replace that lost revenue with huge sales taxes shouldered primarily by low- and middle-income people. Incredibly, recent controversial changes to the state's property tax won't be discussed before the panel.

It's safe to assume that there will be a special legislative session in Kentucky this summer. After all, the Blue Grass state is expected to face a billion dollar shortfall for the fiscal year starting July 1. Governor Beshear claims

he hasn't committed to calling back the legislature or decided what topic he would even select for a special session, but everyone knows a shortfall this large isn't going away without further action. So a flurry of proposals are being discussed from progressive income tax reform to increased gambling and even the so-called "fair tax."

 

The infamous "fair tax" legislation, which proponents are pushing all over the country, would eliminate corporate and individual income taxes, replace the lost revenue with increased sales taxes on a wide range of services, and eliminate most current sales tax exemptions. Before going too far down this path,

Kentucky legislators should take a moment to look at how that same proposal has faired in other states just this year.

 

In Missouri, "fair tax" legislation passed the House of Representatives but went nowhere in the Senate. An ITEP analysis found that this proposal would raise taxes on middle-income Missourians and require a much higher sales tax rate than advertised.

A similar fate is expected in
South Carolina where similar legislation has been introduced in the House. Advocates in South Carolina are hopeful that the legislation won't get very far.

Kentucky lawmakers should quickly jump off the failed "fair tax" bandwagon and instead look for ways to improve their state's tax structure while also increasing state revenue.
As state policymakers craft their budgets for the upcoming fiscal year, they must confront a pair of daunting challenges, one fiscal, the other economic. The budget outlook for the states is, at present, the most dire in several decades. In this context, then, states must find ways to generate additional revenue that create neither additional responsibilities for individuals and families struggling to make ends meet nor additional distortions in the economy as a whole.

For nine states -- Arkansas, Hawaii, Montana, New Mexico, North Dakota, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Vermont, and Wisconsin -- one straightforward approach would be to repeal the substantial tax breaks that they now provide for income from capital gains. In tax year 2008 alone, these nine states are expected to lose a total of $663 million due to such misguided policies, with individual losses ranging from $10 million to $285 million per state. A
new ITEP report explains that repealing these tax preferences would help states reduce their large and growing budgetary gaps, enhance the equity of their current tax systems, and remove the economic inefficiencies arising from such favorable treatment.

This report explains what capital gains are, how they are treated for tax purposes, and who typically receives them. It also details the consequences of providing preferential tax treatment for capital gains income for states' budgets, taxpayers, and economies in nine key states. Lastly, it responds to claims about both the relationship between capital gains preferences and economic growth and the role capital gains taxation plays in state revenue volatility. (Appendices to the report provide detailed state-by-state estimates of the impact of repealing capital gains tax preferences.)

Read the report.

The budget picture in South Carolina is grim. The State's Comptroller General said recently that corporate income tax collections are down 57 percent, sales tax collections are down by 18 percent, and individual income tax collections are down nearly 3 percent since July. State agencies have reportedly reduced their own budgets by $600 million to take into account reduced revenues.

According to the
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities forty-two other states now face a budget shortfall. Policymakers in other states have come forward with a variety of proposals to deal with their state's crisis. For example, New York Governor David Paterson recently asked for federal money to assist his state and Arizona Governor-Elect Jan Brewer won't take tax hikes off the table.

Governor Mark Sanford's answer to South Carolina's budget woes are in left field and across the street compared to these strategies.
 
In fact, Governor Sanford has publically argued against providing federal aid to the states and just this week he released a budget busting list of tax changes that include eliminating the state's progressive corporate income tax and introducing an optional single rate personal income tax. While some other items on his list would raise some revenue (raising the state's regressive cigarette tax, eliminating sales tax holidays, reducing business tax "incentives"), overall, it's pretty clear that Governor Sanford's solution is to dig the revenue hole deeper.

To the cynical among us it appears that Sanford may be gearing up for 2012. He was recently elected chairman of the Republican Governor's Association and is clearly attempting to beat the "supply-side" drum -- never mind that the notion of supply side economics has been debunked repeatedly.

While reports such as those out of Iowa and Virginia (see “Budget Fixes Worth Embracing”, in this week’s Digest) highlight some of the best ways for states to dig themselves out of their current budgetary nightmares, in many cases it appears that the cigarette tax is continuing to hold on to its title as the single most popular tax to increase among the states.  Policy advocates and even many legislators are often careful to frame their support of cigarette tax hikes in terms of fighting smoking or reducing health care costs, but in times as desperate as these, it’s hard not to suspect that revenue needs may be the driving force.  The fact is that revenue from the cigarette tax is almost never sustainable over time because the U.S. smoking population is constantly on the decline.  It’s therefore difficult to get excited about the cigarette tax as a budget-fix for any period of time beyond the very short-term – and even then, states should never be excited about raising revenue through such a regressive tax.  But in states that have held their cigarette taxes constant at low levels for a number of years, it’s also hard to get too upset over such proposals.  Five states in particular made news this week in their debates over the cigarette tax:  Florida, Mississippi, Oregon, South Carolina, and Utah.

 

The three states with the most intense cigarette tax debates at the moment are Florida, Mississippi, and OregonFlorida and Mississippi haven’t increased their cigarette tax rates in 18 and 23 years, respectively, and therefore have some of the lowest cigarette tax rates in the nation.  Hikes in the range of 50 cents to $1 per pack are being proposed in Florida, while Mississippi’s debate appears to be over a range of 24 cents to $1 per pack.  In Oregon, the governor recently proposed a 60 cent hike as part of his budget.  The intent of that hike is use the new revenue as part of a package to expand health care in the state – such an arrangement is likely to result in tensions down the road as cigarette revenues fall and health costs continue to rise.

 

South Carolina provides another example of a state with a cigarette tax debate worth following.  In this past year’s session, the legislature approved a cigarette tax hike, only to eventually be vetoed by the governor, ostensibly out of concern over linking such an unsustainable revenue source to a permanent expansion of Medicaid.  As the appearance of a recent op-ed praising the benefits of hiking SC’s lowest-in-the-nation rate suggests, this debate is not yet over.

 

Utah provides another example of a potential budding cigarette tax debate.  With the American Cancer society enthusiastically seeking to capitalize on what appears to be a favorable climate for a cigarette tax hike, one has to expect the idea to pick up steam during discussions over how to close the state’s looming budget gap.

EITC Campaign in South Carolina

|
Advocates in South Carolina have launched a campaign (using an ITEP analysis) to educate policymakers and the public about the benefits of an earned income tax credit (EITC). The EITC receives bipartisan support and is a unique tool that serves to help working families rise from poverty. States choose to design their credits in different ways but having an EITC is always better than having none at all. South Carolina will hopefully join over twenty states in using an EITC to make their tax structure fairer. For more on the efforts of South Carolina Fair Share and their work on the EITC click here.

Kansas Governor Kathleen Sebelius this week again voiced support for a 50 cent cigarette tax hike, proposing that the revenue be dedicated to expanding health care coverage to more low-income Kansans.  This story should sound familiar, as numerous tax-phobic states in search of ways to pay for popular government services have recently turned to the cigarette tax.

The benefits that a higher cigarette tax would produce in terms of reduced smoking deaths and improved public health are well-documented in the recommendations included in a recent report from the Kansas Health Policy Authority.  But it’s the tension such an arrangement would create between efforts to reduce smoking, and efforts to fund health care, that is controversial.

Arkansas this year attempted to pass a similar cigarette tax hike dedicated to funding a new health trauma system.  South Carolina pursued similar legislation (eventually vetoed by the Governor) that was designed to direct new cigarette tax hike revenues into a popular health-care expansion.

In each of these cases, legislators were seeking to fund vital programs (each of which naturally increases in cost over time) with a revenue source that is sure to decline with time.  South Carolina briefly considered one interesting approach to this problem (indexing the amount of its tax to a measure of medical cost inflation) but that proposal was ultimately dropped from the final bill.

Sustainability issues arise not only from inflation, however, but also from decreases in the popularity of smoking, and increases in the incentives to purchase cigarettes in low-tax areas.  This latter component of the sustainability problem, in particular, has received a good bit of attention as of late.

With cigarette tax rates having increased substantially in many parts of the country, the rewards to smokers associated with shopping in low-tax areas have grown.  A recent study by Howard Chernick entitled “Cigarette Tax Rates and Revenue” found that a 10% increase in the cigarette tax rate of one state can boost the revenue collections of a neighboring state by about 1%.  Maryland provides one stark example of this phenomenon, where a recent tax hike has yielded significantly less than expected as a result of cross-border cigarette purchases and smuggling.  The experience of New Hampshire, however, may suggest that this point has only limited applicability (see next story).

While many politicians in the District of Columbia were dismayed when the U.S Supreme Court struck down DC's handgun law, people in other parts of the country got ready to celebrate. The South Carolina legislature mustered the two-thirds majority it needed in both chambers to override the Governor’s veto of the “Second Amendment Sales Tax Holiday”.  The “holiday” establishes an annual, two day sales tax exemption for handguns, rifles, and shotguns.  That exemption will occur each year on two of the busiest days of the Holiday shopping season, the Friday and Saturday after Thanksgiving. That Friday is commonly referred to as “Black Friday” because of the heavy traffic and crowds surrounding most shopping centers. (Consider that before you cut someone off in the shopping mall parking lot on Black Friday this year.)

Adding a twist to this story, however, is the fact that the bill containing the “holiday” may in fact be unconstitutional, as concerns have been raised as to whether it violates the state constitution’s “single subject” requirement demanding that every bill deal with only one policy area.  The bill includes a provision requiring oil companies to sell “blendable” fuel that can be mixed with ethanol, which perhaps stretches the definition of a “single subject”.

As a result, some observers think the entire bill, including the “holiday”, may end up never taking effect as a result of constitutional challenges.  South Carolina may therefore need to begin formulating new ways to promote its vision of arming more of its citizens, though as this ITEP Policy Brief explains, a sales tax holiday may not necessarily be the most preferable route to doing so.

South Carolina Governor Mark Sanford vetoed a bill this week that sought to increase the state’s cigarette tax rate, which is currently the lowest in the nation.  While the Governor supported the cigarette tax hike (as most people in the state do), he criticized the bill for linking the new revenues to a Medicaid expansion that would ultimately be unsustainable.

The cost of providing health care is constantly on the rise, and the real value of tax collected on each pack of cigarettes continuously declines as a result of inflation and other factors. The Governor, perhaps correctly, pointed out that the bill “virtually ensures future tax increases” in order to maintain consistent Medicaid funding.  Interestingly, this is precisely the problem the legislature tried to address in attempting to index the amount of tax to the rate of medical cost inflation (as was discussed in a previous Digest).

The Governor’s complaints about the bill’s lack of sustainability seem suspect when one considers the purpose to which he would like to see the revenue dedicated: an optional flat income tax that (primarily wealthier) taxpayers could use to avoid the state’s graduated rate structure.  If the Governor wants a tax cut that neatly offsets the cigarette tax hike, then his plan would fail this test dramatically.  While cigarette taxes exhibit some of the slowest growth (or even decline) of any tax, income taxes on the wealthy are among the most quickly growing revenue sources.  This is in part because income is becoming increasingly concentrated in the hands better-off individuals who pay at the top marginal tax rate.  Reducing the rate at which this income is taxed would almost certainly come to cost more than what the cigarette tax could provide.

During a recent debate over a proposed cigarette tax increase, South Carolina legislators briefly considered a unique proposal to index the amount of the tax to the inflation rate of medical costs – the logic being that without indexing the tax, the revenues it raised would soon fall short (as a result of inflation) of the amounts needed to maintain the health care expansion to which it would be dedicated.  The provision to index the tax has already been removed from the bill, but it nonetheless continues to provide an interesting context in which to discuss the cigarette tax.  With the cigarette tax being on the agenda of so many states in just the past few months, including Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, and the District of Columbia, to name a few, any new perspective with which to view this issue is certainly useful.

Though cigarette tax increases are often packaged as attempts to curb smoking, prevent teen addiction, or offset the various costs that smoking imposes on society, many policymakers either privately or publicly view the tax primarily as a method for obtaining revenue with which to enact or expand a favored program.  The problem is that the stream of funding produced by cigarette taxes always falls short over time as inflation erodes the value of tax collected on each pack sold.  Indexing the tax to inflation is one way to begin to remedy this problem.

The South Carolina proposal was especially interesting in that it explicitly tied the revenues raised to the cost of the program it would fund (health care).  The main problem with South Carolina’s approach is that smoking rates are generally on the decline – meaning the tax base upon which this revenue source depends is shrinking.  Indexing does nothing to solve this problem, and therefore should not serve as an excuse for policymakers to increase their state’s reliance on this regressive and unsustainable revenue source.

As an interesting aside, indexing the cigarette tax to inflation does make sense for states whose primary goal in taxing cigarettes is to curb smoking.  As inflation erodes the true value of the tax levied on each pack, the deterrent power of that tax is reduced.  Indexing the tax is the most reliable way to ensure that a consistent amount of tax is collected.

About this Archive

This page is a archive of recent entries in the South Carolina category.

Rhode Island is the previous category.

South Dakota is the next category.

Find recent content on the main index or look in the archives to find all content.